Airlines for America (A4A)
What do our scores mean?
The organizational score represents the degree to which the organization influencing climate policy and legislation. Corporations also have relationship scores reflecting their links with influencers like trade associations. Both are combined to place the corporation in a performance band. Full details can be found here.
Engagement Intensity
The engagement intensity (EI) is a metric of the extent to which the company is engaging on climate change policy matters, whether positively or negatively. It is a number from 0 (no engagement at all) to 100 (full engagement on all queries/data points). Clearly energy companies are more affected by climate regulations and will have a higher EI than, for example retailers. So an organization’s score should be looked at in conjunction with this metric to gauge the amount of evidence we are using in each case as a basis for scoring. On our scale, an EI of more than 35 indicates a relatively large amount of climate policy engagement.
Relationship Score, December 2020
A new batch of industry associations has been uploaded onto the InfluenceMap system and the relationship scores recalculated accordingly.
Updated terminology, February 2021
We adjusted the terminology used to describe the queries running down the left-hand side of our scoring matrix and added additional explanatory text to the info-boxes. This has no impact on the scores and methodology. It has been done following user feedback to improve clarity.
- Details of Organization Score
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What do the 0,1,2 and NSs, NAs mean?
Each cell in the organization's matrix presents a chance for us to assess each data source against our column of climate change policy queries. We score from -2 to 2, with negative scores representing evidence of obstructive influence. "NA" means "not applicable" and "NS" means "not scored" - that is we did not find any evidence either way. In both cases, the cell's weighting is re-distributed over others. Red and blue cells represent highly interesting negative or positive influence respectively. Full details can be found here.
QUERIES
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DATA SOURCES | |||||||
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Main Web Site
The main organizational Web site of the company and its direct links to major affiliates and attached documents. |
Social Media
We search other media and sites funded or controlled by the organization, such as social media (Twitter, Facebook) and direct advertising campaigns of the organization. |
CDP Responses
We assess and score responses to two questions from CDP's climate change information request (12.3 a & 12.3c) related to political influence questions (currently these are not numerically scored by the CDP process). |
Legislative Consultations
Comments from the entity being scored on governmental regulatory consultation processes, including those obtained by InfluenceMap through Freedom of Information requests. |
Media Reports
Here we search in a consistent manner (the organization name and relevant query search terms) a set of web sites of representing reputable news or data aggregations. Supported by targeted searches of proprietary databases. |
CEO Messaging
Here we search in a consistent manner (the CEO/Chairman, organization name and relevant query search terms) a set of web sites of representing reputable news or data aggregations. Supported by targeted searches of proprietary databases. |
Financial Disclosures
We search 10-K and 20-F SEC filings where available, and non US equivalents where not. . |
EU Register
Information provided by to the voluntary EU Transparency Register. |
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Communication of Climate Science
Is the organization transparent and clear about its position on climate change science? |
NS | NS | NA | NS | NS | NS | NA | NA |
Alignment with IPCC on Climate Action
Is the organization supporting the science-based response to climate change as set out by the IPCC? (the IPCC) |
0
|
0
|
NA |
0
|
0
|
NS | NA | NA |
Supporting the Need for Regulations
To what extent does the organization express the need for regulatory intervention to resolve the climate crisis? |
NS |
-1
|
NA |
-1
|
NS | NS | NA | NA |
Support of UN Climate Process
Is the organization supporting the UN FCCC process on climate change? |
NS | NS | NA | NS | NS | NS | NA | NA |
Transparency on Legislation
Is the organisation transparent about its positions on climate change legislation/policy and its activities to influence it? |
1
|
NA | NA | NA | NA | NA | NA | NA |
Carbon Tax
Is the organisation supporting policy and legislative measures to address climate change: carbon tax. |
NS | NS | NA |
-2
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NS | NS | NA | NA |
Emissions Trading
Is the organisation supporting policy and legislative measures to address climate change: emissions trading. |
NS |
-1
|
NA |
-2
|
-2
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NS | NA | NA |
Energy and Resource Efficiency
Is the organization supporting policy and legislative measures to address climate change: energy efficiency policy, standards, and targets |
NS | NS | NA | NS | NS | NS | NA | NA |
Renewable Energy
Is the organization supporting policy and legislative measures to address climate change: Renewable energy legislation, targets, subsidies, and other policy |
0
|
1
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NA |
-2
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NS | NS | NA | NA |
Energy Transition & Zero Carbon Technologies
Is the organization supporting an IPCC-aligned transition of the economy away from carbon-emitting technologies, including supporting relevant policy and legislative measures to enable this transition? |
-2
|
-2
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NA |
-1
|
-1
|
NS | NA | NA |
GHG Emission Regulation
Is the organization supporting policy and legislative measures to address climate change: GHG emission standards and targets. Is the organization supporting policy and legislative measures to address climate change: Standards, targets, and other regulatory measures directly targeting Greenhouse Gas emissions |
2
|
2
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NA |
0
|
1
|
NS | NA | NA |
Disclosure on Relationships
Is the organization transparent about its involvement with industry associations that are influencing climate policy, including the extent to which it is aligned with these groups on climate? |
0
|
NA | NA | NA | NA | NA | NA | NA |
Climate Lobbying Overview: Airlines for America (A4A) is negatively lobbying climate policy in 2018-21, leveraging its support for global climate regulation at the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to oppose more ambitious regional and national climate policies in the US and EU. While A4A in 2021 stated top-line support for a net-zero emissions for US aviation by 2050, it has lobbied against jet fuel taxes, opposed the inclusion of aviation in the EU Emissions Trading System and rejected sustainable fuel mandates, while supporting a US CO2 aviation standard with major exceptions.
Top-line Messaging on Climate Policy: Airlines for America’s top-line communications in 2018-21 have generally stated support for international climate policy for aviation while opposing more ambitious regional and national climate action. In March 2020, A4A communicated support for achieving net-zero carbon emissions by 2050 for US aviation as part of its ‘Climate Change Commitment’ report. However, this report does not appear to support policies with enough ambition to implement such GHG emissions reductions to reach net-zero by 2050 in the short, medium, or long-term.
A4A communications in 2019 appear to prioritize the economic growth of aviation at the expense of IPCC recommended emissions reductions, further describing the US airline industry as “an extremely GHG-efficient economic engine”. Furthermore, in a 2019 statement to Congress, A4A appeared to state opposition to regional climate measures, promoting a “worldwide approach” through ICAO that would “stave off the proliferation of unilateral emissions taxes, charges, and trading schemes”. A4A further do not appear to have communicated a position on the Paris Agreement.
Engagement with Climate-Related Regulations: Airlines for America has consistently used its support for ICAO’s global CORSIA offsetting scheme and aviation CO2 standards to actively oppose more ambitious climate regulations in the US and EU. A4A in 2021 continues to support ICAO’s CORSIA emissions mitigation scheme under which airlines must buy offsets for emissions, and/or use ‘CORSIA eligible’ fuels (a voluntary scheme until 2027). A4A frame CORSIA as “the” market-based measure applying to international aviation GHG emissions, precluding countries from imposing unilateral carbon measures on international flights from other countries”. However, A4A in 2020 also appeared to support measures to weaken the CORSIA offsetting scheme, by endorsing a change to its baseline date to include only 2019 emissions compared to an average of 2019-20 emissions, substantially weakening the emissions reduction potential of CORSIA.
A4A in 2019-20 has also actively opposed the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS). In a 2020 EU consultation response, Airlines for America opposed expanding the EU ETS to international (non-EEA states to/from EEA states) flights, suggesting it would be illegal. In the response, A4A further advocated to repeal the application of the EU ETS to aviation and replace it with a weaker global CORSIA offsetting scheme. Similarly, in a 2019 meeting with the EU Commission, A4A stated that it viewed EU and national-level taxes as undermining the integrity of the global CORSIA scheme. Furthermore, in a 2019 statement to the US Congress, A4A praised the US government for opposing EU climate measures for aviation and prioritizing global climate regulations for aviation, and stated opposition against “unilateral emissions taxes, charges and trading schemes”.
A4A has consistently supported ICAO’s global CO2 standard for aviation, including on its website in 2021. In 2019-2020, A4A vocally advocated to the US government to certify ICAO’s global CO2 standard into US law. However, this support was qualified by major exceptions, urging the US government in a 2020 consultation response not to introduce a more ambitious CO2 standard than set by ICAO, and that such standards should not apply to in-service aircraft.
In 2021, A4A's website further communicates support for Congress to “repeal the commercial jet fuel tax” to keep airlines affordable and reduce fuel prices. The A4A opposed an EU jet fuel tax in a 2020 consultation response, questioning its legality. Furthermore, in 2018 A4A directly opposed a jet fuel tax in New Jersey, arguing it would unnecessarily “raise flight costs for passengers”, and supported the repeal of the Georgia jet fuel tax.
In its 2020 report on “Sustainable Aviation Fuel”, Airlines for America stated opposition to sustainable aviation fuel mandates in the US, emphasizing costs concerns. Similarly, in a 2020 EU consultation response, A4A rejected EU mandates on sustainable aviation fuels as they are “a long way from being commercially viable at scale”. In 2021, A4A however states support for a "blenders tax credit" to promote US sustainable aviation fuel use in a blog post.
Positioning on Energy Transition: Airlines for America in 2021 appears opposed to measures to decarbonize aviation and transition the energy mix. In 2020, evidence suggests that A4A opposed measures to add green conditions to US COVID-related bailouts for the airline industry, arguing that such conditions may “render the loans unusable, because the process provided to businesses via U.S. bankruptcy law is more attractive”. Furthermore, in October 2019, A4A sent a letter to the Director General of the EU Director General for Mobility to oppose an increase in Germany’s aviation ticket tax. This letter further advocated against measures promoting a modal shift from aviation to rail in Germany, by arguing that the “cross subsidization of trains at the expense of airlines violates the U.S.-EU Air Transport Agreement”. Furthermore, in 2018 A4A released a “Jet Fuel: From Well to Wing Report” advocating for policies that would increase investments in, and expand infrastructure for, US oil pipelines.